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From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
This article is about politics in the British Isles. For other uses, see Tory (disambiguation).
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A Tory holds a political philosophy (Toryism) based on a British version oftraditionalism and conservatism. In politics, the Tory political faction originated with the Cavalier faction during the English Civil War (sometimes more scrupulously known as the "Wars of the Three Kingdoms"). This political philosophy is prominent in the politics of the United Kingdom, and also appears in parts of the Commonwealth, particularly in Canada. It also had exponents in parts of the former British Empire, such as the Loyalists of British America who opposed American secession during the American War of Independence. The Tory ethos has been summed up with the phrase 'God, King and Country'.Tories generally advocate monarchism, are usually of a High Church Anglicanreligious heritage, and are opposed to the radical liberalism of the Whigfaction. Under the Corn Laws (1815–1846) a majority of Tories supportedprotectionist agrarianism with tariffs being imposed at the time for sustainability, self-sufficiency and enhanced wages in rural employment.
The Tory political faction originally emerged within the Parliament of England to uphold the legitimist rights of James, Duke of York, to succeed his brotherCharles II to the throne. James II was a Catholic, while the state institutions had broken from the Catholic Church—this was an issue for the Exclusion Billsupporting Patricians, the political heirs to the nonconformist Roundheads and Covenanters. There were two Tory ministries under James II; the first led by Lord Rochester, the second by Lord Belasyse. A significant faction took part in the ousting of James II with the Whigs to defend the Anglican Church or definitive protestantism. A large but dwindling faction of Tories held sympathy for Catholic Stuart heirs to the throne from the accession of the first Hanoverian monarchin 1714, many of which supported Jacobitism, the military campaigns of which saw them lost and castigated. Although only a minority of Tories gave their adhesion to the Jacobite risings, it was used by the Whigs to completely discredit the Tories and paint them as traitors. After the advent of the Prime Ministerial system under the Whig Robert Walpole, Lord Bute's premiership in the reign of George III marked a revival.
Conservatism emerged by the end of the 18th century—it synthesised moderate Whig economic positions and many Tory social values to create a new political philosophy and faction, in opposition to the French Revolution. Edmund Burkeand William Pitt the Younger led the way in this. Interventionism and a strong military were to prove a hallmark of Toryism under subsequent Prime Ministers. Due to these Tories leading the formation of the Conservative Party, members of the party are colloquially referred to as Tories, even if they are not traditionalists. Actual adherents to traditional Toryism in contemporary times may be referred to as High Tories as the traditionalist conservative values of Toryism differ from that of the more liberal and cosmopolitan parts of the Conservative Party.
History of the term
The word "Tory" derives from the Middle Irish word tóraidhe; modern Irish tóraí:outlaw, robber or brigand, from the Irish word tóir, meaning "pursuit", since outlaws were "pursued men". It was originally used to refer to an Irish outlawand later applied to Confederates or Royalists in arms. The term was thus originally a term of abuse, "an Irish rebel", before being adopted as a political label in the same way as Whig.
Towards the end of Charles II's reign (1660–85) there was some debate about whether or not his brother, James, Duke of York, should be allowed to succeed to the throne. 'Whigs', originally a reference to Scottish cattle-drivers (stereotypically radical anti-Catholic Covenanters), was the abusive term directed at those who wanted to exclude James on the grounds that he was a Roman Catholic. Those who were not prepared to exclude James were labelled 'Abhorrers' and later 'Tories'. Titus Oates applied the term "Tory", which then signified an Irish robber, to those who would not believe in his Popish plot, and the name gradually became extended to all who were supposed to have sympathy with the Catholic Duke of York.
The suffix -ism was quickly added to both 'Whig' and 'Tory' to make Whiggismand Toryism, meaning the principles and methods of each faction.
English and British politics
Main article: Tories (British political party)
Historically, the term Tory has been applied in various ways to loyalists of the British monarchy. The term was initially applied in Ireland to the isolated bands of guerrillas resisting Oliver Cromwell's nine-month 1649–1650 campaign in Ireland, who were allied with Royalists through treaty with the Parliament of Confederate Ireland, signed at Kilkenny in January 1649; and later to dispossessed Catholics in Ulsterfollowing the Restoration.
During the Exclusion Bill Crisis the word Tory was applied in England as a nickname to the opponents of the bill, called the Abhorrers. The word "Tory" had connotations of Papist and outlaw derived from its previous use in Ireland.
English Tories from the time of the Glorious Revolution up until the Reform Bill of 1832 were characterised by strong monarchist tendencies, support for the Church of England, and hostility to radical reform, while the Tory Party was an actual organisation which held power intermittently throughout the same period.
Since 1832, the term "Tory" is commonly used to refer to the Conservative Party and its members.
See also: Loyalist (American Revolution)
The term Tory or "Loyalist" was used in the American Revolution for those who remained loyal to the British Crown. Since early in the 18th century, Tory had described those upholding the right of the King over Parliament. During the war of independence, particularly after the Declaration of Independence in 1776 this use was extended to cover anyone who remained loyal to the British Crown. About 80% of the Loyalists remained in the United States after the war. The 60,000 or so Loyalists who settled in Canada, the Bahamas, or returned to Great Britain after the American War of Independence are known as United Empire Loyalists.
On February 12, 1798, Thomas Jefferson described the Federalist Party as "A political Sect [...] believing that the executive is the branch of our government which the most needs support, [who] are called federalists, sometimes aristocrats or monocrats, and sometimes Tories, after the corresponding sect in the English Government of exactly the same definition". That, however, was clearly a hostile description by the Federalists' foes, of whom Jefferson was one, and not a name used by the Federalists themselves.
Main article: Conservatism in Canada
The term was used to designate the pre-Confederation British ruling classes of Upper Canada and Lower Canada, known as the Family Compact and the Château Clique, an elite within the governing classes, and often members within a section of society known as the United Empire Loyalists.
In post-Confederation Canada the terms "Red Tory" and "Blue Tory" have long been used to describe the two wings of the Conservative and previously the Progressive Conservative (PC) parties. The dyadic tensions originally arose out of the 1854 political union of British-Canadian Tories, French-Canadian traditionalists, and the monarchist and loyalist leaning sections of the emerging commercial classes at the time—many of whom were uncomfortable with the pro-American and annexationist tendencies within the liberal Grits. Tory strength and prominence in the political culture was a feature of life in Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, Prince Edward Island, Ontario, and Manitoba.
By the 1930s, the factions within Canadian Toryism were associated with either the urban business elites, or with rural traditionalists from the country's hinterland. A "Red Tory" is a member of the more moderate wing of the party (in the manner of John Farthing and George Grant). They are generally unified by their adherence to British traditions in Canada.
Throughout the course of Canadian history, the Conservative Party was generally controlled by MacDonaldian Tory elements, which in Canada meant an adherence to the English-Canadian traditions of Monarchy, Empire-Commonwealth, parliamentary government, nationalism, protectionism, social reform, and eventually, acceptance of the necessity of the welfare state.
By the 1970s the Progressive Conservative Party was a Keynesian-consensus party. With the onset of stagflation in the 1970s, some Canadian Tories came under the influence of neo-liberal developments in Great Britain and the United States, which highlighted the policies for privatization and supply-side interventions. In Canada, these tories have been labeled neoconservatives—which has a somewhat different connotation in the US. By the early 1980s there was no clear neoconservative in the Tory leadership cadre, but Brian Mulroney, who became leader in 1983, eventually came to adopt many policies from the Margaret Thatcher and Ronald Reagan governments.
As Mulroney took the Progressive Conservative Party further in this direction, with policy initiatives in the areas of deregulation, privatization, free-trade, and a consumption tax called the Goods and Services Tax (GST), many traditionally-minded Tories became concerned that a political and cultural schism was occurring within the party.
The 1986 creation of the Reform Party of Canada attracted some of the neo-liberals and social conservatives away from the Tory party, and as some of the neoconservative policies of the Mulroney government proved unpopular, some of the provincial-rights elements moved towards Reform as well. In 1993, Mulroney resigned, rather than fight an election based on his record after almost nine years in power. This left the PCs in disarray and scrambling to understand how to make toryism relevant in provinces such as Quebec, Saskatchewan, Alberta, and British Columbia that had never had a strong tory tradition and political culture.
Thereafter in the 1990s, the PCs were a small party in the Canadian House of Commons, and could only exert legislative pressure on the government through their power in the Senate of Canada. Eventually, through death and retirements, this power waned. Joe Clark returned as leader, but the schism with the Reformers effectively watered down the combined Blue and Red Tory vote in Canada.
By the late 1990s, there was talk of the necessity of uniting the right in Canada, to deter further Liberal majorities. Many tories—both red and blue—opposed such moves, while others took the view that all would have to be pragmatic if there was any hope of reviving a strong party system. The Canadian Alliance party (as the Reform Party had become), and some leading tories came together on an informal basis to see if they could find common ground. While Progressive Conservative Leader Joe Clark rebuffed the notion, the talks moved ahead and eventually in December 2003, the Canadian Alliance and the Progressive Conservative parties voted to rejoin into a new party called the Conservative Party of Canada.
After the merger of the PCs with the Canadian Alliance in 2003, there was debate as to whether the "Tory" appellation should survive at the federal level. Although it was widely believed that some Alliance members would take offence to the term, it was officially accepted by the newly merged party during the 2004 leadership convention. Stephen Harper, leader of the Conservative Party of Canada, and the Prime Minister as a result of the January 2006 election, regularly refers to himself as a Tory and has suggested that the new party is a natural evolution of the conservative political movement in Canada.
In Texas 1832–36 support for the Texas Revolution was not unanimous. The "Tories" were men who supported the Mexican government. The Tories generally were long-term property holders whose roots were outside of the lower South. They typically had little interest in politics and sought conciliation rather than war or they withheld judgment from both sides. The Tories preferred to preserve the economic, political, and social gains that they enjoyed as citizens of Mexico, and the revolution threatened to jeopardize the security of their world.
"Tory" has become shorthand for a member of the Conservative Party or for the party in general. Some Conservatives call themselves "Tory" and the term is common in the media, but deprecated by some media channels.
In Canada, the term "Tory" may describe any member of the Conservative Party of Canada, its predecessor party theProgressive Conservative Party of Canada, or any similarly named provincial party; the term is frequently used in contrast to "Grit", a shorthand for the Liberal Party of Canada, "Dipper", a shorthand for the New Democratic Party of Canada, and " Seppies", shorthand for the members of the Québec separatist party Bloc Québécois.
In Australia, "Tory" is used as a pejorative term by members of the Labor Party to refer to members of the conservative and often coalition Liberal and National parties.
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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Blue Tories, also known as small 'c' conservatives, are, in Canadian politics, members of the former federal Progressive Conservative Party of Canada, current Conservative Party of Canada and provincial Progressive Conservative parties who are more economically right wing. Prior to the 1960s, these Conservatives were most identified with the Montreal and Toronto commercial elite who took positions of influence within the Progressive Conservative Party. Since the mid-1970s, they have been heavily influenced by the libertarianmovement. Blue Tories tend to favour libertarian policies such as devolution of federal power to the provincial governments, a reduced role for government in the economy, reduction of taxation and similar mainstream market liberalideals. The term Blue Tory does not refer to social conservatism.
One example of a Blue Tory administration in Canada was the "Common Sense Revolution" provincial Progressive Conservative government of Ontario PremierMike Harris. The Harris Tories were widely viewed as radical by Canadian standards in their economic policies and style of governance. Harris' government embarked on a number of initiatives, including cuts to education, welfare and Medicare, privatization of government services and health care, the sale of provincial highways and the forced amalgamation of municipalities. Provincial income taxes were also cut by 30% and corporate tax rates were nearly cut in half during the Harris mandate.
Most Blue Tories are at least somewhat ideologically aligned close to the economic libertarian positions of the formerCanadian Alliance and as such supported the merger between the PCs and the Alliance to form the new federalConservative Party of Canada (CPC). Some notable Blue Tories include many prominent federal and provincial Progressive Conservatives such as former PC Party Leader and current Attorney General Peter MacKay, Conservative Party leadership contender and current Treasury Board President Tony Clement, and former Premier of Ontario Mike Harris. Based on his statements and actions made in the last election, some political commentators have suggested that the current Conservative Prime Minister, Stephen Harper, has also shifted his ideology closer to the Blue Tory mould as opposed to the social conservatism that was usually identified with the leadership of the Canadian Alliance and ReformParties.
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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A Red Tory is an adherent of a progressive conservative political philosophy, tradition, and disposition in Canada similar to the High Tory tradition in the United Kingdom; it is contrasted with "Blue Tory" or "Small-c". In Canada, Red Toryism is found in provincial and federal Conservative political parties. The history of Red Toryism marks differences in the development of the political cultures of Canada and the United States. Canadian conservatism andAmerican conservatism have been different from each other in fundamental ways.
The term Red Tory has been revived in recent years by individuals such as the British philosopher Phillip Blond, also Director of the ResPublica think tank, to promote a radical communitarian traditionalist conservatism. It inveighs against welfare states as well as market monopolies. Instead, it respects traditional values and institutions, localism, devolution of powers from the central governments to local communities, small businesses, and volunteerism and favours empowering social enterprises, charities and other elements of civil society to solve problems such as poverty.
It is also used to describe the British Labour Party post-New Labour, particularly in Scotland as they campaign under the colour red, but their policies are seen by some, including supporters of the SNP, as indistinguishable from those of the Conservative Party.
Historically, Canadian conservatism has been derived from the Tory tradition, with a distinctive concern for a balance between individual rights and collectivism, as mediated through a traditional pre-industrial standard of morality – which has never been as evident in American conservatism.
Red Toryism derives largely from a classical conservative tradition that maintained the unequal division of wealth and political privilege among social classes can be justified if members of the privileged class practiced noblesse oblige and contributed to the common good. Red Tories supported traditional institutions such as religion and the monarchy, and maintenance of the social order. Later, this position was manifested in their support for some aspects of the welfare state. This belief in a common good, as expanded on in Colin Campbell and William Christian's Political Parties and Ideologies in Canada, is at the root of Red Toryism.
In distinction to the American experience where class divisions were seen as undemocratic (although still existing), Canadian Tories adopted a more paternalistic view of government. Monarchy, public order and good government – understood as dedication to the common good – preceded, moderated and balanced an unequivocal belief in individual rights and liberty.
This type of Canadian conservatism is derived largely from the Tory tradition evoked by English conservative thinkers and statesmen such as Richard Hooker, the Seventh Earl of Shaftesbury, and Benjamin Disraeli, later the First Earl of Beaconsfield. The primary influences on Canadian Toryism in the Victorian age were Disraeli's One Nation Conservatismand the radical Toryism advocated by Lord Randolph Churchill. Inherent in these Tory traditions was the ideal ofnoblesse oblige and a conservative communitarianism.
In Victorian times, these points were the pre-eminent strains of conservative thought in the British Empire, and were advanced by many in the Tory faction of Sir John A. Macdonald's conservative coalition in the Canadas. None of this lineage denies that Tory traditions of communitarianism and collectivism had existed in the British North American colonies since the Loyalist exodus from the American colonies between 1776 and 1796. It is this aspect that is one of the primary points of difference between the conservative political cultures of Canada and the United States.
The explicit notion of a "Red" Toryism was developed by Gad Horowitz in the 1960s, who argued that there was a significant Tory ideology in Canada. This vision contrasted Canada with the United States, which was seen as lacking this collectivist tradition, as it was expunged from the American political culture after the American Revolution and the exodus of the United Empire Loyalists. Horowitz argued that Canada's stronger socialist movement grew from Toryism, and that this explains why socialism has never had much electoral success in the United States. This also meant that Canadian conceptions of liberty were more collective and communitarian, and could be seen as more directly derivative of the English tradition, than that of American practices and theories.
Horowitz identified George Grant and Eugene Forsey as exemplars of this strain of thought, which saw a central role for Christianity in public affairs and was profoundly critical of capitalism and the dominant business élites. Forsey became aCo-operative Commonwealth Federation (CCF) member, while Grant remained a Conservative – although he became disdainful of an overall shift in policy toward liberal economics and continentalism, something Forsey saw happening decades earlier. When the Conservative government of John Diefenbaker fell in 1963, largely due to the BOMARC controversy, Grant wrote Lament for a Nation: The Defeat of Canadian Nationalism, a book about the nature of traditional Canadian nationhood and independence that would become a lodestar of Red Toryism. Grant defined an essential difference between the founding of the Canadian and American nations as "Canada was predicated on the rights of nations as well as on the rights of individuals." This definition recognized Canada's dual founding nature as an English-speaking, aboriginal and Francophone nation.
The adjective "red" refers to the left-leaning nature of Red Toryism, since socialist parties have traditionally used the colour red. In Canada today, however, red is commonly associated with the centrist Liberal Party. The term reflects the broad ideological range traditionally found within conservatism in Canada.
Many of the Progressive Conservative Party of Canada's leaders have been labelled Red Tories, including Sir John A. Macdonald, Sir Robert Borden, John Diefenbaker, Robert Stanfield, and Joe Clark. Many others have been influential as cabinet ministers and thinkers, such as E. Davie Fulton, Dalton Camp, Roy McMurtry and John Farthing.
The main bastions of Red Toryism were Ontario, the Atlantic provinces, and urban Manitoba, areas where the Red Tories dominated provincial politics. The Ontario Progressive Conservative Party, which has held power in that province for most of the time since Confederation, was often labelled as Red Tory, especially under the leadership of Bill Davisfrom 1971 to 1985.
Throughout the Atlantic provinces, traditional Red Tories are the dominant force in the provincial Progressive Conservative parties because of their support of the welfare state.
The dominance of Red Toryism can be seen as a part of the international post-war consensus that saw the welfare stateembraced by the major parties of most of the western world. In the late 1970s and 1980s, the federal Progressive Conservative Party suffered a string of electoral defeats under Red Tory leaders Robert Stanfield and Joe Clark. Pressure began to grow within the party for a new approach. Joe Clark's leadership was successfully challenged, and in the 1983 PC leadership convention, members endorsed Brian Mulroney who rejected free trade with the United States as proposed by another right-wing candidate, John Crosbie. Despite this early perception, the eagerness in which Mulroney's ministry embraced the MacDonald Commission's advocacy of bilateral free trade would come to indicate a sharp drift toward libertarian economic policies, comparable to such contemporaries as Ronald Reagan and Margaret Thatcher.
Following Mulroney, the Canadian conservative movement suffered a profound schism in the 1993 election, splitting into the distinct Progressive Conservative and Reform parties. The Red Tory tradition remained loyal to the Progressive Conservatives, while many "blue" Tories aligned with social conservatives in the Reform Party. Various Unite the Rightefforts achieved only modest success in the 1990s and early 2000s – most notably, while the creation of the Canadian Alliance in 2000 attracted a small number of Progressive Conservatives, it failed to attract those in the Red Tory tradition or to replace the Progressive Conservatives.
Merger of federal parties
After the victory of Peter MacKay at the 2003 PC convention, and in violation of an informal contract signed with rival candidate David Orchard, MacKay merged the Tories with Stephen Harper's Alliance to create the modern federalConservative Party in 2003.
When first created, one of the most important issues facing the Conservative Party was what Red Tories would do. The union resulted in a number of Red Tories leaving the new party, either to retire or to defect to the Liberal Party. Members of Parliament (MPs) André Bachand, John Herron, Joe Clark and Scott Brison declined to join the new party – Brison immediately crossed the floor to the Liberals, Bachand and Clark sat out the remainder of the 37th Canadian Parliamentas Progressive Conservatives and then retired from office in the 2004 election, and Herron sat as a Progressive Conservative for the remainder of the term but then ran for re-election in 2004 as a Liberal.
Clark, a former Prime Minister, gave a tepid endorsement to the Liberals in the 2004 election, calling Paul Martin "the devil we know". Rick Borotsik joined the new party, but openly criticized it from within, did not run for re-election in 2004, and also publicly endorsed the Liberals over the Conservatives during the campaign.
Additionally, three of the twenty-six Progressive Conservative Senators, Lowell Murray, Norman Atkins and William Doody, decided to continue serving as Progressive Conservatives, rejecting membership in the new party. Atkins is closely allied with the still existent Progressive Conservative Party of Ontario, and Murray, from Atlantic Canada, opposed the merger of the federal PC party. Most, like prominent Senator Marjory LeBreton, came to endorse the new party and have been vocal and visible supporters of the party both between and during elections.
Elaine McCoy and Nancy Ruth were later appointed to the Senate by Liberal Prime Minister Paul Martin, and chose to designate themselves as Progressive Conservatives. Doody has since died, and Ruth joined the Conservative Party caucus in 2006.
Despite the union, some former Progressive Conservative members still identify themselves as Red Tory, including high profile political strategist turned Senator Hugh Segal, who in 2013 continued to self describe as a Red Tory, which has put him at increasing odds with the government on several occasions.
A 'grassroots' movement gathered signatures on the Elections Canada forms from over 200 registered members of the Progressive Conservatives, and applied to re-register as the Progressive Conservative Party of Canada. This name was refused by Elections Canada. Having anticipated such a rejection the coordinators had had the 'SignaTories' also sign a second application to at least continue with the ballot name "PC Party". On March 26, 2004, the Progressive Canadian Party was registered with Elections Canada. It aimed to be perceived as a continuation of the Progressive Conservative Party of Canada, but has only achieved very minor results.
The term Red Tory is often used today in the media not to refer to those in the tradition of George Grant, Dalton Campor Robert Stanfield, but simply to moderates in the conservative movement, particularly those who reject or do not sufficiently embrace social conservatism.
For example, in the 2004 Conservative Party leadership election, Tony Clement was sometimes referred to as a Red Tory even though he advocated privatization, tax cuts, curtailment of social and economic development spending and free trade with the United States. Traditional Red Tories would reject most, if not all, of these stances.
More recently, Phillip Blond, director of British think tank ResPublica, has gained traction with his so-called Red Tory thesis which criticizes what he refers to as the welfare state and the market state. He has been mentioned as a major influence on the thinking of David Cameron and other Tories in the wake of the 2008 credit crisis. He advocates a civic state as the ideal, where the common good of society is valued and solutions emerge from local communities. Blond's ideas also parallel the socioeconomic tradition of distributism, as is evidenced by Blond's appearance at a distributist conference at Oxford University in 2009 sponsored by the G. K. Chesterton Institute for Faith and Culture. Blond's Red Toryism has been embraced by traditionalist conservatives in the United States, such as journalists Rod Dreher, and economist John Medaille. The editors of the web log Front Porch Republic, however, define Red Toryism as a "left or socialist conservatism" and further go on to say that it is "not a traditionalism that happened to oddly pick up a few egalitarian rhetorical tropes along the way."
Revival in provincial politics
In the wake of the rise of the libertarian-social conservative Wildrose Party in Alberta in the 2010s, the term "Red Tory" has been revived as a name of the moderate wing of the Progressive Conservative Party of Alberta, which was seen to be in ascendence under the leadership of Ed Stelmach and Allison Redford. Redford is closely associated with centrist Tories Joe Clark and Peter Lougheed, as opposed to Wildrose leader Danielle Smith's association with right-wing ToriesRalph Klein and Tom Flanagan.
The minor Progressive Canadian Party was formed in 2004 by dissenting Red Tories of the Progressive Conservative Party of Canada who opposed the party's merger with the Canadian Alliance.
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
In Canadian and British politics, a Pink Tory is a liberal member of one of the Conservative or Progressive Conservativeparties, more liberal than a Red Tory. The term was often derisively applied to the 1971 to 1985 Ontario Progressive Conservative government of Bill Davis by critics on the right, particularly Toronto Sun columnist Claire Hoy.In 2002, Jim Flaherty described rival leadership contender Ernie Eves as a "pink" Tory. More recently the term has been used to describe socially progressive Conservatives who are in favour of legalized same-sex marriage and are pro-choice.